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Childhood Pretend Play and the Emergence of Vocational Personality
By Andrew D. Carson, Ph.D.

Holland's Theory and Pretend
Play in Childhood

Holland (1997) provides popular (widely cited, widely applied) theory of how individuals choose and become adjusted to occupations. The theory is also "elegant" because it relies on a relatively small number of constructs to account for a wide range of behavior. Each of the constructs is quite measurable. The theory has been highly heuristic, both in terms of research and the development of instrumentation. In fact, it may be the most widely applied psychological theory, given the millions of interest inventories based on his theory that are administered each year. However, various critics have assumed that the theory lacks a developmental component. Actually it has one, and this has remained relatively unchanged since its 1973 version; Holland essentially argues for a social learning approach to the development of his vocational types. (He also assumes that there are some genetic influences on vocational personality.) But although he does provide a mechanism for the development of vocational personality types, he is nevertheless remarkably silent on the specifics of how children acquire type.

In the present essay I seek to extend Holland's theory into some specific childhood processes through which vocational personality type may be acquired (or manifested) and become increasingly crystallized. I will focus on the role of pretend play. I will argue that much of the apparatus of Holland's adult theory of vocational choice extends neatly to address pretend play in childhood, such play being the natural precursor of (non-pretend) work in adulthood.

The present extension of Holland's (1997) theory begins with his constructs vocational personality type, congruence, and vocational identity, and proposed in their stead the childhood analogs of play personality, play congruence, and play identity. In addition, I propose the construct protean play.

Play personality. In making this extension of Holland's (1997) theory, my primary hypothesis is that both children and forms of play may be classified into an analogous set of six personality types (Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional) that can characterize both adult workers and work environments. This childhood "play personality" serves to integrate many of the child's traits into play behavior, preferences, abilities, and skills into an increasingly self-consistent whole. I assume that vocational personality does not suddenly appear on the scene in complete form in adolescence and adulthood, but instead has emerged over time, primarily through the development of the child's play behavior.

Congruent play. I further propose that congruent play in childhood, coupled with the growth of a sense of identity derived in part from play, leads to both immediate satisfaction and contributes (albeit far down the developmental course) to successful adult career development, facilitating more congruent career choices coupled with a greater degree of vocational identity. For present purposes I will ignore Holland's concepts of differentiation and consistency, in large part because they seem to have less impact on adult career development that either congruence or identity.

Play identity. Just as there exist personality, interest, and ability profiles that fit adults to different types of work, juvenile versions of these traits are likely to predispose children to like and benefit from particular domains of play. Anything that serves to accentuate the child's sense of fit (or misfit) to a particular domain of play may help young individuals find their vocation more easily and more early, through a fortuitous correspondence of needs and the means of their satisfaction. In Holland's (1997) theory, the construct vocational identity serves such a function by drawing a link between having a clear picture of one's characteristics (identity) and easy and rapid identification of a congruent career choice.

In the realm of play, toys and costumes may help the child to achieve a clear sense of what his or her play interests are, as well as the ability of the child to successfully imagine themselves in a particular role. Pretend play may therefore enhance the childhood equivalent of adult vocational identity. Perhaps we might speak of "play identity" as the precursor of vocational identity. The adult worker has his or her work-appropriate uniform and tools for the trade; the child at play has costumes and toys. The tools of play (toys and costumes) facilitate the acquisition of a more or less stable play identity, which presumably aids in achieving play congruence (that is, a match between the child's characteristics and the features offered by particular forms of play). The question of whether play identity is easier to achieve with more realistic or more fantastic play (and corresponding toys) is an open one. (Of course, almost every hypothesis proposed in this essay is an open question!)

Emphasis on pretend play, especially with toys. As I mentioned, my focus in this essay is not play in the general sense, but instead pretend play with toys and costumes. The proposed theory extension should hold generally true for any type of childhood play, but I predict that it will hold most true for that subset of play that involves pretense, that is, things and actions involved in the play stand for something else. I suggest that efforts to operationalize constructs in the theory, and to test it, will be most fruitful when the pretend play studied is further narrowed to pretend play with toys and costumes. Toys in particular hold advantages as an object of the study of the developmental psychologist, because they are concrete objects that can be specified, observed, and counted. As a source of biographical data, such concreteness may hold advantages, as their entry into the individual's life can often be dated with some precision. For example, Brosterman's (1997) excellent documentation of the role of the toys ("gifts") developed by Friedrich Froebel in his invention of the kindergarten clearly demonstrates such links. In some cases, the actual toys themselves may be recovered and studied. Finally, because toys are now manufactured and distributed through the mass market, anything learned about toys and their relation to positive career development and talent acquisition can result in immediate and wide-scale practical applications, through improvements in toy design.

The role of toys within play is similar to the role of simulations within career assessments. Simulations have long been used in career assessments (see Essay 2 on this site). John Krumboltz created Job Experience Kits in the early 1970s--essentially a set of work samples modeled from tasks performed in jobs from each of Holland's six work environments--as a means of assessing vocational personality type. More recently, Krumboltz and his colleagues created computer-based introductions to various occupations, again providing simulations of what work in these various occuptions might be like. Toys essentially provide some element that at least loosely simulates an environment, and through interaction with the toy the child becomes better able to imagine what it would be like to act within that make-believe environment. Toys may thus facilitate imaginative pretend play.

Play domains. Before proceeding, we need to have a term for units of play that correspond broadly to broad occupational fields. I will refer to "play domains" as being broad categories of play behavior around a common theme, such that there exists a reasonable correspondence between each field of work and a domain of play that may serve as that field of work's precursor. For example, chefs cook food, and children can play at "cooking food". Police officers chase criminals, and children can play at "enforcing public security." This match is not perfect; and there are some domains of play with only rough and generic linkages to adult work. This is especially true for toys that emphasize aspects of pure fantasy; for such toys, linkages to the adult world of relationships and jobs is admittedly more tenuous. It is also true that some toys are so elementary and abstract in nature that play with them might link to a wide range of adult occupations; Froebel's gifts and designated play activities ("occupations"), used in structured kindergarten play, serve as a good example (Brosterman, 1997). But most popular domains of play correspond in some more or less direct way to a vocational analog in adulthood.

Protean play. Some types of pretend play and some toys and costumes that support it may not be readily classifiable within the six play personality types, and may instead appear to satisfy the needs of more than one kind of play personality. For example, how would one classify a set of cubic wooden blocks? In addition, some toys popular among older children are similarly difficult to classify. Such toys--both those associated with younger and older ages--I would label "protean," in that they provide avenues of engagement through pretense that could interest individuals across multiple play personalities. Protean toys will be difficult to classify in terms of play personality because their use might support the development of play personality in any of a number of directions. For example, Tinkertoy construction sets (consisting of sticks and connecting blocks) can be transformed into a nearly infinite range of structures inspired by the child's imagination. It seems likely that early fascination and play with Tinkertoy may be associated with development of Realistic, Investigative, or Artistic interests, but it would be difficult to predict the emergence of one personality more than the others out of those three.

Image. Tinkertoy as a protean toy, supporting the development of any of several play personalities. See Tinkertoy (2007).

This idea that some forms of pretend play serve more basic, undifferentiated roles in the development of play personality is analogous to the role of stem cells in biological development. Protean toys that foster any of multiple paths in the development of play personality may be especially useful in healthy child development, and in subsequent career development, in that they might foster the expression of interests in environments that might otherwise fail to provide reinforcement for such interests. Perhaps interest in specific forms of use of protean toys reflects the emerging unique individual interests of the child, and that being able to express such interests provides a form of validation and reinforcement for the child. Thus, access to protean toys may provide the child with a means to self-construct their own pattern of interests, mirroring their construction of the multiple options made available through protean toys.

Synchronization of adult roles and children's toys and costumes. Another point to consider is the degree to which the play domains available to and presented to children in fact correspond to adult work environments. The basic consistency of psychological traits across the lifespan accounts only for the general consistency between domains of child play and adult vocational opportunities. However, the extensiveness of the domains of play in childhood changes over time, just as does the extent and size of industries through which adults may obtain paid work. Understanding the structure and change of such temporal relationships between adult work and child's play probably falls more under the purview of the historian or sociologist than of the psychologist. One would assume that most of the time, domains of play follow to some degree behind their adult vocational analogs. For example, the spread of popularity of Erector-set type toys followed the advent and spread of engineering as a popular and heralded profession (Watson, 2002), and the relative decline of these same toys may mirror a decline of the domain of "inventive engineering play" over the last half-century (in both absolute terms and relative to other popular domains of play). During this period, "hot" areas of engineering have moved into computer science, biotechnology, and other areas that may be more difficult to model through children's play and toys. One can envision children of the 1920s creating a Zeppelin derigible from a top-of-the-line Erector set, but there is no pressing demand for "build your own Zeppelin" kits, and there has not been for decades (although some toys that promise remote controlled toy blimps that actually fly have been at least marginally popular for some time). Perhaps today's children would be interested in toys through which they can model biomedical advances, such as "My First Genetic Sequencer" or perhaps "Easy-Clone Stem-Cell Lab"--but only as pretend play, one would assume.

Figure. Image included in the Erector Set No. 8 from 1929 (Erector, 1929). Demand for toy derigibles has presumably declined since the 1920s. The explosion of the Hindenburg probably did not help the toy's popularity.

By the way, the notion that children might eventually engage in the pretend sequencing of DNA is hardly far-fetched. Toys encouraging pretend play with DNA are already becoming available on the market. For example, the Zome tool -- DNA Kit (see figure below) provides all the componets required for children to create DNA molecules (well, models of them). The toy's product description on Amazon.com (Zome, 2007) urges engagement with the toy through curiosity in how DNA serves as a computer program for the body's growth: "See How does your nose know how to grow?The secret lies in a tiny 'computer program' in every cell of your body called DNA! Uncover the mystery of the blueprint of life as you build your own DNA model. It's a great gift and a fun science project, complete with suggested readings and fun factoids." The toy is only for children of at least age 6, and the fine print warns that it not be presented to younger children due to choking hazards. Interestingly, comparing DNA to a computer program really is at the cutting edge of science, where the field of computational genetics is a fast growing discipline.

Figure. Zome Tool -- DNA Kit. You're on your own, kid--no genetic sequencer included. (Zome, 2007)

Of course, there may be some pretense play in which children play in anticipation of things yet to come. For example, when children model play after elements of a science fiction movie, they base their pretense on a possible future. However, even in such cases, the general type of adult activity being modeled was still an adult activity of the future imagined at a particular point in time, and over time that imagined future also advances. Thus, toys associated with being a space explorer or warrior dating from the 1950s appear markedly different not only from the actual adult items of today, but also from both children's toys reflecting an imagined future space explorer and the imagined space explorers of our future in today's science fiction.

Figure. Some toys anticipate elements of fugure adult work that adults have not yet actually created. This helmet served as a premium for child fans of Space Patrol, a television show that was on the air in the 1950s. (Space Patrol, 2007).

In addition, discoveries or inventions may directly affect the available range of toys and costumes befitting various domains of play. Because of this, there is not a perfect lockstep match between the world of pretend play and its principal artifacts (toys and costumes) and the world of work and its principal structures (occupations).

At any rate, domains of play rise and fall over time in their level of popularity. When a domain of play reaches a certain degree of popularity, societies--especially those with nimble consumer-oriented marketplaces like ours--will develop toys optimally suited to those domains. This is because the play for children serves a practical purpose: it is through play that children prepare themselves for the roles that they will take on as adults. Given time, opportunity, and the responsiveness of the market, the toys and costumes available to support children in this effort should eventually "synchronize" and provide a full range of models of adult activity. Such synchronization of adult roles and children's toys and costumes allows children to sample possible adult occupational roles and thereby organize their own development in optimal way.

Relations of toys to games and sports. Before going further, it is also important to determine whether "games" are to be considered a type of toy or not. I believe that for present purposes it is important classify games as a type of toy, so long as they require two things: 1) a tangible, physical component, developed specifically for the game, without which the game cannot be played; and 2) an element of "as if" or pretend thinking, in which the player must assume some identity other than his or her typical child identity. Some games do not require such physical components, and other games do not require the player to assume a pretend identity, but if both factors are present, the game should be classified as a toy for present purposes. Games requiring social interaction may be considered toys if they also require both the physical component and the aspect of pretense described above. Notwithstanding the above, athletic sports should not be considered games, regardless of whether they require specifically developed physical components, because they do not involve pretense.

Classification in some instances must necessarily be difficult, as the categories of toys, games, and sports are fuzzy sets that overlap one another. For example, I would not classify chess as a toy, although one might argue that one pretends to be a king guiding the behavior of an army. To be successful at chess requires a seriousness of play that pushes pretense aside. Thus, it is more akin to an athletic sport, and hence, not a toy. However, even with chess, there may exist situations in which young children, lacking knowledge of the specific rules of the game, might use a chess board and its pieces to pretend to play chess, perhaps as they had seen adults around them doing. In that situation, the various chess pieces and board may be used as a toy.

Linking Toys to Occupations

Anecdotal reports support the vocational benefits of child-toy match. Examples may be drawn from a number of occupational groups. The discussion will be organized in terms of Holland's (1997) vocational environments (Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional). In the following discussion, I will introduce possible linkages between adult work and child's play and toys, drawing some support from anecdotal observations drawn from various sources, plus some autobiographical reporting.

Realistic Domains

According to Holland (1997), Realistic types tend to prefer the organized, systematic manipulation of physical objects (e.g., tools, machines) or animals or plants. They tend to dislike activities that require educational or therapeutic actions. Realistic types perceive themselves as practical, normal and natural, genuine, frank, humble, and grounded in the here and now. However, others may view them as uninsightful, inflexible, hard-headed, conforming, asocial and uninvolved, materialistic, and stingy. They often have skills in mechanical, agricultural, or athletic areas. They tend to value concrete reflections of the good things in life, e.g., status, power, and money.

In general, one might expect that the adult vocational personality type with the clearest relations to play with toys in childhood would be the Realistic type. This is because the preferences for the Realistic type are assumed to be high for activities involving tools, machines, and other concrete objects.

Engineering. Precursors of engineering work find multiple analogs in child's toys. For example, Erector sets, Legos building blocks, and hobby kits involving the assembly of various electrical devices.

Figure. Electronics kits may provide a good activity in which to develop engineering-related abilities and interests (Electronics, 2007).

Model building, aeronautical engineering, and piloting aircraft. Model building is a popular form of childhood play. One popular type of model building is the creation of model airplanes, generally out of wood or plastic. Particularly among plastic models, the most popular subject is the fighter aircraft. Such models tend to be more popular among boys than girls. This may be because in "real life" men tend to pilot fighter aircraft. But the model can serve as a token for power, speed, and tremendous destructive capability--all held under the careful control of the pilot.

I had once heard of a study on psychological factors associated with being an effective German fighter aircraft pilot. I found it interesting that the single variable most associated with eventual success in the occupation was having played with model airplanes as a child.

Today combat flight simulators are available for use on computers, dedicated computerized gaming consoles for the home, video games in public arcades, and over the internet. The transition from play with model airplanes to play with computerized aerial combat games represents the effect of technological advances on the development of new toys to provide enhanced fit to a domain of play. To a large degree, the same children will be drawn to video aerial combat that were drawn to build model fighter aircraft and then engage in pretend dogfights with their models. Those children who continue to prefer building plastic models of aircraft, even when computerized options are available, may simply be engaged in a different domain of play with a different match to adult occupation. For example, such children might gravitate eventually to aeronautical engineering rather than piloting the planes.

Automobile manufacture and mechanics. There exist a variety of static and dynamic models of automobiles that may spur the development of Realistic interests and abilities.

Soldiering and hunting. The wide variety of toys involving soldiers, weapons, and violent games suggests early emergence of predispositions of children to engage in one of the core set of Realistic activities, namely, soldiering and hunting. We do not know if those who volunteer to fight in the military (either as enlisted or through entry into the officer corps) were any more likely to have played with toy military figures or toy weapons as a child. Of some interest today is whether experience of play with combat-oriented video or computer games increases consideration of adult occupations that are similarly engaged in combat.

Image. The Lost in Space Roto-Jet Gun, from about 1965 (see Gun, 2007). This was one of the author's favorite toys in childhood. One could assemble the two pistols co create a rifle.

Farming. There exist several toys in which farming is modeled, although today such toys are typically aimed at very young children. It is possible that such toys represent essentially a "play fossil" in that although adult occupational roles in farming are extremely unlikely for most children in today's society, such toys are still included in the child's range of experiences, perhaps out of parents' own nostalgia for such toys from their own childhood, stretching back to a time in a chain of nostalgia across generations, and finally reaching a time in which farming remained a "live option" for the child playing with the toy model of a farm.

Image. The cow says moo (Farm, 2007).

Sewing. Although presumably not as popular as they once were, toy sewing kits are still available for use by children. Children with a strong interest in playing with such toys may be more likely to evince later interest in clothing design and creation.

Investigative Domains

Investigative types tend to prefer activities, such as mathematics and science, that require patient, systematic observation or manipulation of symbol systems, often with the goal of understanding and controlling natural phenomena. They tend to dislike activities that require manipulation of other people in order to achieve their desired ends. They also tend to dislike activities that are overly social or repetitive. Thus, persuasive skills are less valued. Investigative types perceive themselves as intelligent, curious, independent, intellectual, rational, and precise. However, others may view them as unpopular, too cautious and pessimistic, overly reserved, too critical, and unnecessarily complex. They often have skills in science and mathematics. They tend to value opportunities in which they may engage in scientific activities and discovery.

Medicine. There are numerous toys and costumes available to children interested in playing roles associated with medical professionals. Medical black bag toys, with toy stethoscopes and pill bottles, have long been a staple of the toy aisle. A child's interest in medical play is likely to be spurred by illness and positive encounters with doctors and other medicals staff. Such play may also help children overcome fears associated with illness and injury. Earlier play at medicine tends to focus on the most visible, prototypical features of medical practice. Later play may extend the play towards various social roles of the physician, or medical procedures that are less visible to the naked eye. Many adult physicians anecdotally report that their interest in becoming a doctor originated in response to a childhood illness or injury, and one wonders if such early illness spurred associated medical play, and helped to mold the child's interests in the directions of a medical career.

Then, of course, there is one of the most popular of all games of childhood, Operation. In the game, the players take turns removing bones or other faulty organs from the body on the operating table. If the tweezers removing the objects touch the sides of the space holding the object, the light goes off and the buzzer sounds (which is bad). The game models some important aspects of surgery: dexterity and manipulation of metal operating tools.

Biology. Play with biological systems ranges from toys of animals (either wild or tame). Some toys (such as the Ant Farm) involve live animals. Simulation software (such as SimAnt) allows children to model how animals interact with one another or the environment.

Paleontology. There are a range of toys to support budding interest in things paleontological. These range from plastic dinosaurs (or dinosaur models), to blocks of dirt from which one may dig out mock bones. In my own development, I recall enjoying play with dinosaurs and being greately interested in them. I had a few plastic ones as a young child, and by the time I finished third grade I had read every book in the school library about dinosaurs. Until fifth grade I planned to become a paleontologist, a possibility that I kept alive until half-way through my sophomore year in college, when Steven Jay Gould convinced me that it would probably not be a wise occuaptional choice for me. However, I suspect that many professional paleontologists did play with toy dinosaurs as children, and that such play kindled an enduring interest in the field.

Image. The simple plastic dinosaur (Pterodon, 2007).

Image. This wonderful triceratops model was produced by Revell-Monogram (Triceratops, 2007). But to complete the model at this level of quality is beyond most children; perhaps Mom or Dad could help.

Chemistry. The home chemistry lab is one of the mainstays of children's toys, but also one that has become considerably wittled down over time, and as parents may become increasingly nervous about what their children can concoct in their room.

Artistic Domains

Artistic types tend to prefer ambiguous, unsystematic, unconstrained activities involving play with or manipulation of human, physical, verbal, or auditory materials to create art forms or products. They tend to dislike activities that are orderly, systematic, and bureaucractic. Conventional business and bureaucratic activities are less valued. Artistic types perceive themselves as intuitive, original, independent, open, sensitive, idealistic, and expressive. Others may view them as nonconforming, impulsive, impractical, disorderly, complicated, and overly emotional. They often have skills in acting, music, the visual arts, speaking, and writing. They tend to value opportunities in which they may be creative and apply their aesthetic sensibilities and intuition.

Painting. One of the prototypical toys is the toy painter's easel. Once made from wood, these are increasingly made from sturdy plastic, and only indirectly resemble the adult version. In general, the plasticization of children's toys over the past few decades has gradually shifted the toy analogs of adult work objects into increasingly abstracted, "blobby", and colorful plastic toy versions. A variety of collections of children's artistic tools provide toy analogs of their adult originals. For example, Crayola crayons mirror adult pastels and oil pastels. This is not to say that serious art cannot be created from "toy" versions used by children, but only to say that the toy versions are specifically developed with children's use in mind. Several artistic toys are typically used only by children, e.g., Etch-a-Sketch.

Culinary arts. In his engaging history of the Easy-Bake® Oven, Hoffman (2003) includes the results of a number of autobiographical reports from contemporary professional chefs who reported receiving an Easy-Bake Oven as a child. Typically, these reports noted that the child had either strongly requested the toy or that a fried or sibling had received it, but that in either event the future chef had made heavy use of the toy, providing a rewarding early experience in the development of skills in baking. Until very recently, all versions of the Easy-Bake Oven relied on light bulbs as their heating element. However, despite its status as a toy, the oven provides sufficient heat to cook a wide range of baked goods, as reflected in the recipes that Hoffman provides. One of the chefs, Caprial Pence (chef at Caprial's Bistro in Portland, Oregon), reported that she had such heavy use of her oven that "one day it started smoking, the lightbulb popped and the whole thing just sort of imploded!" (p. 65). After that, she reported moving on to a bigger oven. A number of the male chefs also reported use of the toy, although parents (and especially fathers) had initially resisted their requests. Rob Feenie (Chef at Lumière Restaurant in Vancouver, Canada) said that his sister had received the oven but that "it definitely piqued my curiosity and provided a comfort level that would eventually get me to try cooking as a career" (p. 55). Grantham (1998/2003) also reports that a number of professional chefs of both sexes "trace the beginnings of their careers to the popularity of the toy." Millions of Easy-Bake Ovens have been created and distributed world-wide since its introduction in 1963.

Image. The Easy-Bake Oven (Oven, 2007) started many of Chef on their way to culinary careers.

Acting. Many children play dress-up, don costumes, put on puppet shows, hold a play microphone and sing, or otherwise play any of a number of performer roles. These are all early forms of the acting occupation.

Image. Puppets provide an opportunity for children to take on roles such as actor, director, and stage manager. See Puppet (2007).

Social Domains

Social types tend to prefer manipulation of other people in order to help them, e.g., through education or therapy. They tend to dislike activities that involve systematic manipulation of machines, tools, and other materials. Thus, mechanical, manual, and technical skills are less valued. Social types perceive themselves as sociable, friendly, kind, empathetic, idealistic, helpful, responsible, understanding, warm, generous, cooperative, and patient. However, others may view them as being overly intrusive and controlling in their apparent helpfulness, as being unjustifiably positive and upbeat, and disingenuous. They often have skills in helping and understanding others and teaching. They tend to value opportunities in which they may be social, act ethically, and solve interpersonal problems.

Childcare. A popular type of toy, typically but not exclusively used by girls, is the baby doll. There exist a wide variety of baby dolls, some with quite sophisticated requirements and capabilities, such as the ability to cry, drink, urinate, crawl, burp, and so on. Much of the play with such toys involves various types of caring, feeding, putting to sleep, and burp.

Image. Baby dolls are a favorite toy among young children (Baby Doll, 2007).

Teaching. There are surprisingly few toys that support pretend play of teaching. Some of the more interesting examples of teaching oriented toys might be difficult to recognize as such. For example, a popluar type of toy is one in which the child teaches (or trains) an electronic pet or robot to perform certain tricks or do certain things.

Enterprising Domains

Enterprising types tend to prefer manipulation of other people in order to achieve their desired ends, which typically involve the acquisition of power through organizations, or economic gain. They tend to dislike activities that require patient, systematic observation or manipulation of symbol systems, which offer little opportunity for manipulation of others in a social context. Thus, scientific skills are less valued. Enterprising types perceive themselves as optimistic, self-confident, sociable, talkative, extroverted, energetic, agreeable, and ambitious. However, others may view them as domineering, acquisitive, exhibitionistic, and inappropriately flirtatious. They often have skills in leadership and persuasive speaking. They tend to value opportunities in which they may be overtly political and/or achieve economic objectives.

Real estate developers. The board game Monopoly almost does not count as a toy, but I suggest that it does, because it does involve both manipulation of objects and "as if" play. The players really do engage one another as if they were buying and selling properties.

Image. Monopoly: A game that promotes pretend play in real estate sales (Monopoly, 2007).

Diplomacy. Not typically played until the teenage years, except perhaps by very gifted children, the role playing game Diplomacy stands out as perhaps one of the most interesting toys/games. It involves both manipulation of objects (Armies on a map of Europe) and "as if" play that involves diplomatic behavior between nations.

Conventional Domains

Conventional types tend to prefer systematic, orderly, explicit, planful activites over those activities that are unsystematic, disorderly, ambiguous, or spontaeous (or unplanned). Artistic activities are less valued. Conventional types perceive themselves as orderly, careful, efficient, persistent, and practical. Others may view them as prudish, unimaginative, obedient, inflexible, and defensive. They often have skills in clerical or numerical computation areas. They tend to value economic achievement, business, and bureaucratic efficiency.

Accounting. There is very little in children's toys that approaches accounting work, although aspects of some simulation games do involve budgeting, checking financial records, and so on. For example, in SimCity players must consult their balance sheets (or their financial advisor, in the more advanced versions of the game).

Banking. Children's exposure to banking can occur through at least two avenues: a toy bank, and through the "banker" role in some role-playing board games, such as Monopoly.

Image. Mosler Combination Safe, bank vault with alarm. When opened, the alarm can go off. From Safe (2007).

Career Education Through Play

Much attention is given to career education. By this, we refer to efforts by educators to provide experiences to their students, typically in kindergarten through the end of secondary education, which advance the student's knowledge of occupations, occupationally relevant skills and attitudes, and developmental status related to effective career decision-making. Career education is typically described as constituting a specific curriculum within the K-12 years. I believe that career education might be extended to account for the design of specific play interventions with children through which they can explore various play environments. This might also be done in a way that serves to maximize the child's spontaneous engagement with play and toys.

It is likely that parents, teachers, and others may try to steer kids away from 'inappropriate' toys along lines that seem to fit Gottfredson's (1981) circumscription and compromise theory. What others classify as inappropriate may depend on a range of factors, including sex-role socialization, social class, religious views, and in general anything falling under the rubric of "culture." The progressive restrictions on occupational aspirations that are the focus of Gottfredson's theory may reflect the typical socialization efforts of the surrounding culture to restrict the activities of the child, including his or her pretense play and use of toys and costumes in such play. However, it is also probably the case that toys play an important role in helping children explore roles outside of the norm for individuals with their characteristics. In other words, toys and play may provide a liberating influence against the constraints of cultural restrictions and the various restraining efforts of socialization. For example, there are anecdotal reports that some adult male chefs had their first experience in developing recipes and cooking through use of their sisters' Easy-Bake Ovens (Grantham, 2004).

In the purchase of toys and costumes for preschools, it might be helpful to acquire toys that intentionally sample across each of the six play environments described above. For example, one might even create six "stations" that focus on each of the environments. Children would probably gravitate over time to some of the stations more than others, but one might encourage exploration to consider other stations. Where possible, it might also be helpful to children to provide a range of sex-typed toys of interest to both girls and boys at each station. This suggests a possible application to the marketing of toys. It is this author's experience that most toy stores or toy departments of larger retailers typically classify their toys first by sex-type, and then by developmental level, and then by play personality within developmental level. This would appear to conform fairly well with Gottfredson's (1981) theory.

Limitations and Future Directions

In this essay I have suggested that one may extend Holland's (1997) theory of vocational personality and work environments downward in age to encompass childhood play, and especially work-oriented childhood pretend play. A major limitation of the present report is that it is based on what I consider to be common sense extensions of the theory, plus isolated observations of the characteristics of various types of toys, limited anecdotal accounts, and passing references to various historical reports of the toy industry or educational methods. Support from empirical, developmental research would be very helpful for my case. Unfortunately, that will have to come later.

Another possible problem with the present theory extension is that not very much is actually extended from the theory. I have essentially argued that Holland's major constructs just extend downward in age to account for childhood pretend play. I have merely renamed the constructs and redefined them very slightly, so that the ostensible focus is not on work but rather on play. I am afraid that I am guilty as charged on this count. However, the very terminology of Holland's original theory is highly vocationally oriented, and the terms sometimes impede the ability of others to recognize the application of the theory's constructs to early childhood development. The primary new construct proposed here is protean play.

There are of course many other vocational or developmental theories that one might use to account for childhood pretend play preferences and behavior. Seligman's (1994) excellent survey of the career development literature includes a chapter on career development in childhood that provides a discussion of a variety theories of both child and career development and how they might map onto early stages of career development in childhood. She discusses a wide range of authors beyond those mentioned in this brief essay, including Erik Ericson, Jean Piaget, and Havinghurst. In addition to the constructs introduced above and related to or derived from Holland's theory, she addresses many additional constructs, including self-concept, self-esteem, social development, achievement motivation, gender and sex role identity, and values. She also provides an extensive discussion of career education in early childhood. The interested reader is referred to her work for further and wider discussion of the material introduced in this brief essay.

Gottfredson's (1981) theory of circumscription and compromise, already referenced in the prior discussion, seems particularly well-suited to the study of the development of children's play interests and their possible links to adult vocational choices. However, in many ways Gottfredson's theory itself represents and extension of Holland's. Of particular interest is how the sex-typing of play behavior interacts with play personality in child development. Which comes first for children: preferences for play on the basis of play personality, or on the basis of sex-typing and sex-role socialization? For example, how often do girls opt to play with male sex-typed toys (such as guns or construction equipment), and how often do boys opt to play with female sex-typed toys (such as cooking equipment and dolls)? This is an area that does receive substantial attention within the child development literature, but that which has not yet been integrated into career development theory and literature. I suspect that pretend play--particularly that in which props such as toys and costumes support the activity of the active imagination--is particularly important for children whose particularly play interests lead them into play which is sex-typed for the opposite sex. Thus, play with an Easy-Bake Oven (sex-typed female) would be relatively more important in the career development of boys on their way toward becoming chefs than for girls on their way toward becoming chefs (this regardless of the actual sex-type of the corresponding adult occupation). By extension, childhood play with toys and costumes may be relatively more important for eventual career entry into any relatively less common occupation than for relatively more popular occupations. I expect that this may be because childhood pretend play with toys and costumes may serve not only to facilitate consolidation around particular play personalities, but may also enhance the acquisition of first play identity, leading to stronger vocational identity.

Toys and games of course change over time. And the most complex toys and games are becoming significantly more complex than in the past--more immersive, and more story-like, and increasingly computer-mediated. Johnson (2005) has argued that the increasing complexity of popular media, games, and other entertainments may even be responsible for the psychometrically observed increase in intelligence of the population of developed nations over the last century. So it may not simply be a matter of pretend play and the games that support it in childhood somehow extending in some instances to adulthood. It may be more a case of the particular advances in complexity of the pretend play involved with certain toys and games in childhood fundamentally altering, and increasing, the intelligence and aptitudes of individuals, so that they both are suited for and desire more complex and challenging adult roles. If Johnson is correct, it may be primarily by increasing certain broad abilities, and perhaps general intellectual ability, that modern toys have their (indirect) impact on career development. But of course this is highly speculative.

Elkind (2007) provides a compelling account of the developmental importance of pretend play in healthy childhood development. He contends that the amount of time that Children in the United States devote to such pretend play has declined in the past generation, and that a relative increase in time devoted to structured sports activities, passive video and computer entertainments, and other non-play activities has led to a general decline in the creative imagination, curiosity, and fantasy among our youth. This in turn, he argues, results in a relative decrease in the proportion of individuals entering career tracks toward math and the sciences, while also increasing the risk of various forms of psychopathology, such as ADHD (p. x). In a sense, the present discussion extends Elkind's discussion of the consequences of the decline of pretend play (if that is indeed the case) into a broader treatment of its possible impacts on subsequent adult career development. However, the theory proposed in this essay suggests that if there is indeed a general decline in pretend play behavior among American children, its occupational impact is likely to be significant not only in the math and scientific areas, but also in most other occupational fields. Nevertheless, the survey of how toys that foster pretend play might map onto Holland's six types does suggest that there may be relatively more pretense-fostering toys for some types (i.e., Realistic, Investigative, Artistic) than for others (i.e., Social, Enterprising, and Conventional). Following Elkind's argument, perhaps a relative decline in pretense play--and associated play with related toys--might result in less encouragement of the development of vocational personality types in these areas.

One might also address the degree to which play is hot versus cold, to borrow Marshal McLuhan's terms. In hot play, childrens' imagination provides a maximum percentage of the information required to create the pretend environment. Hot play would be analogous to McLuhan's discussion of a hot medium, e.g., radio. In cold play, very little is left to the child's imagination; most of the information is supplied through a fully represented environment or toys or other props. Cold play is analogous to McLuhan's discussion of a cold medium, e.g., television. An example of hot play would be play with simple puppets; in such play, very little is constrained through design, and the child would need to supply all action, dialog, and context for any puppet's role. An example of cold play would be flying an aircraft through the Microsoft Flight Simulator software; in such play, the player may imagine themselves being a pilot, but almost all of the experience in the environment is provided through the software simulation, and optimal action is highly constrained by the logic of the program.

Also not addressed in this essay is the linkage between pretend play in childhood and actual adult work, especially work in the context of occupation and career. This would need to be articulated in the future. It seems likely to me that there is a continuum of play-like to work-like behavior, and the common thread linking many of the links of this chain would be practice. Ericsson's theory of the development of expertise might provide a means for providing such linkage. His behaviorally oriented approach to expertise development might also harmonize nicely with Holland's theory of occupational choice and the childhood extension provided here.

It would be of interest to learn whether difficulties in pretend play behavior in childhood--particularly pretend play relatively more closely associated with adult work roles--is associated with subsequent work dysfunctions. Perhaps difficulty in finding pleasure in such pretend play in childhood is associated with similar difficulties in finding pleasure in actual adult work in adulthood. Perhaps it is in learning how to assume various roles in childhood, and in finding pleasure in such pretense, that one learns how to enjoy assuming roles in general, including subsequent work roles.

In a related vein, I suggest that the sort of pretend play behavior that is characteristic of childhood, and which is the focus of this essay, does not necessarily end in childhood, and in fact (optimally) continues into adulthood. Although it is clearly present in some creative occupations (e.g., acting, as noted above), there is an element of "as-if" in many vocational behaviors and roles. Fussell (2002) examines the role of uniforms in adult life, but uniforms are as much the evolution of childhood costumes as childhood costumes are merely the practiced anticipations of adult uniforms. Perhaps one might similarly characterize some adult occuaptional roles, or at least some work styles or aspects of adult vocational behavior, as being just the natural extensions into adulthood of childhood pretend play behavior. Sometimes we do things merely because we love doing them, and even mature behavior may contain within it the playful extension of earlier imagination. In fact, in many adult roles such imagination proves highly beneficial, both personally and vocationally.

References

Brosterman, N. (1997). Inventing kindergarten. New York: Harry N. Abrams.

Elkind, D. (2007). The power of play: How spontaneous, imaginative activities lead to happier, healthier children. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press.

Fussell, P. (2002). Uniforms: Why we are what we wear. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Gottfredson, L. S. (1981). Circumscription and compromise: A developmental theory of occupational aspirations. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 28, 549-579.

Grantham, L. (2004). Easy-Bake Oven: Still hot after 35 years. Retrieved April 4, 2004, from http://www.s-t.com/daily/06-98/06-10-98/c01ho136.htm (Original work published June 10, 1998, in South Coast Today [Martha's Vineyard])

Holland, J. L. (1997). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (3rd ed.). Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources.

Hoffman, D. (2003). The Easy-Bake Oven gourmet. Philadelphia: Running Press.

Johnson, S. (2005). Everything bad is good for you: How today's popular culture is actually making us smarter. New York: Riverhead Books.

McClary, A. (1997). Toys with nine lives: A social history of American toys. North Haven, CT: Linnett Books.

Seligman, L. (1994). Developmental career counseling and assessment (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.

Stern, S. L. (1990). Toyland: The high-stakes game of the toy industry. Chicago: Contemporary Books.

Watson, B. (2002). The man who changed how boys and toys were made. New York: Viking.

Zome Tool--DNA Kit. (2007). Advertisement on Amazon.com, accessed April 25, 2007. See
http://www.amazon.com/Zome- Tool-DNA-Kit/dp/B00069CYOK/ ref=sr_1_3/102-3755904-154 9707?ie=UTF8&s=toys-and- games&qid=1177544240&sr=1-3

Images

No copyright is claimed for any of the images included in this document.

Doll (2007). See
http://images.google.com/imgres? imgurl=http://www.cyberparent.co /gran/images/toy-baby-annabell- doll-cauB0000669FE.jpeg& imgrefurl=http://www.cyberparent. com/gran/toy-baby-annabell-pix. htm&h=500&w=329&sz=21&hl=en&start =7&um=1&tbnid=Jw-s-hBCYeD5VM:& tbnh=130&tbnw=86&prev=/images%3F q%3Ddoll%2Bbaby%26svnum%3D10% 26um%3D1%26hl%3Den

Erector (2007). See
http://www.girdersandgears.com/ erector-1929-8.html

Farm (2007). See
http://www.bizrate.com/ roleplayingtoys/oid534043066.html

Gun (2007). See
wesclark.com/am/toys.html

Monopoly (2007). See
http://images.google.com/ imgres?imgurl=http://www. biffleys.com/Winning%2520 Moves/pictures/monopoly19 35.jpg&imgrefurl=http://w ww.biffleys.com/Winning%2 520Moves/monopolyfirstedi tion.htm&h=312&w=434&sz=3 3&hl=en&start=25&um=1&tbn id=zC6Z6SI89A6A9M:&tbnh=9 1&tbnw=126&prev=/images%3 Fq%3DMonopoly%26start%3D2 0%26ndsp%3D20%26svnum%3D1 0%26um%3D1%26hl%3Den%26sa%3DN

Oven (2007). See
http://images.google.com/ imgres?imgurl=http://www. timewarptoys.com/easy1. jpg&imgrefurl=http://www. timewarptoys.com/toptoys. htm&h=463&w=584&sz=102&hl= en&start=11&tbnid=HfGimsxqj U39TM:&tbnh=107&tbnw=135&pr ev=/images%3Fq%3DEasy-Bake% 2BOven%26gbv%3D2%26svnum%3D 10%26hl%3Den

Puppet (2007). See
www.backtobasicstoys.com/item/productid/5181

Pterodon (2007). See
http://www.nps.gov/archive/ brca/Geodetect/Paleontology/ pix/individual%20dino%20pix/
pages/Pterodon_jpg.htm

Safe (2007). See
www.timewarptoys.com/toys.htm

Space Patrol (2007). See
http://www.slick-net.com/space
/box/sptoys/pic44.phtml

Tinkertoy (2007). See
http://images.google.com/
imgres?imgurl=http://www.
hasbro.com/miltonbradley/
operation/images/SamOpera
tionGameboard.gif&imgrefu
rl=http://tubahead.tubabl
ogs.com/blog/general&h=40 0&w=219&sz=30&hl=en&start =2&tbnid=zl2FLN97bqP5qM:& tbnh=124&tbnw=68&prev=/im ages%3Fq%3DOperation%2Bga me%26gbv%3D2%26svnum%3D10
%26hl%3Den

Triceratops (2007). See
http://www2.towerhobbies.com/ cgi-bin/wti0001p?&I=LXPEU9&P=

Zome (2007). See
http://www.amazon.com/Zome- Tool-DNA-Kit/dp/B00069CYOK/ ref=sr_1_3/102-3755904-154 9707?ie=UTF8&s=toys-and- games&qid=1177544240&sr=1-3

Recommended Websites

Mattell.
http://www.mattel.com/index.asp?f=true
The Mattell company site. Mattell is a large toy company offering many of the leading brands.

Raving Toy Maniac.
http://www.toymania.com/links/tmanufact.shtml
Links to major toy manufacturers.

Kieran Egan's Page.
http://www.educ.sfu.ca/kegan/

Kieran Egan's theory of the educated mind emphasizes the importance of preserving the imagination into adulthood.

The Official Site for Marshal McLuhan.
http://www.marshallmcluhan.com/
The official not-for-profit web site maintained by the estate of Marshall McLuhan to ensure the integrity of his name and legacy.

Strong National Museum of Play.
http://www.strongmuseum.org/
Includes the Toy National Hall of Fame, in Rochester, New York, USA.

Parental Wisdom.
http://www.parentalwisdom.com
Provides answers about child development to parents.

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